ANNEXES:
Annex 11:
AMBO WORKSHOP ON SUDAN: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
February 4-7, 1989
Recognising their important role i the political history of the Sudan and aware of the serious problems facing the country at this juncture of its historical evolution a group of concerned and politically committed intellectuals and academics organised a workshop on the theme of "Sudan: Problems and Prospects". The Workshop was held between 4th. and 7th. February, 1989. Eleven scientific papers were presented covering most of the issues proposed as the agenda for the proposed Constitutional Conference. The purpose was to formulate a common vision and an understanding of Sudan's problems and where possible, to formulate a framework for a common programme of action for the National Democratic Forces. Participants expressed common, though not identical views on all the issues, and eventually they were agreed on the following to serve as elements of the programme and declared their committment to its realization.
Preamble
Our country is going through an important stage in its history that is characterized, among other features, by the intensification of the armed struggle, ethno-cultural conflict, the massive disparity between the wealthy ruling classes and the impoverished masses of urban centres and rural areas, growing dependency, degeneration of the state of human rights and marked impotence in foreign policy. The crisis which our country is undergoing makes it imperative upon the National Democratic Forces (N.D.F.) to unite with the view of drawing up a programme on the basis of which the masses could be mobilized to fulfil the realization of the major objectives of the Sudanese Democratic Revolution. The struggle for the realization of this programme shall provide the concrete political basis to build a New Sudan.
Contemporary historical stage and the national democratic revolution
The May regime was the culmination of a trend of development that brought the interests of the bourgeoisie and the state bureaucracy into fusion, thereby exposing and intensifying the exploitative use of state power. This explication takes various forms some of which are the following:
- Exploitation of the peasantry through control of the marketing of agricultural products and the exclusion of small peasants from credits.
- Intensification of exploitation of the masses through the black market.
- Appropriation of communal agricultural and urban lands in the interest of the ruling classes.
The post-independence regimes continued the policy of unequal development efforts in central Sudan and neglecting the other regions. This situation was further aggravated by the policy of siphoning off the surplus from the countryside to be invested in the towns and abroad.
In general, the post-independence era is characterized by almost complete lack of development of the country as a whole.
In the sphere of state, politics and culture, the main features which characterized the post-independence era include the following:
- The increasingly repressive nature of the state be it military or civil.
- The ruling classes continued to use religion for political ends and cultural domination culminating in the rise of Islamic Fundamentalism.
All these brought a serious overall national crisis. This naturally led to the intensification of the political struggle against the reactionary ruling classes. These struggles manifested themselves in mass political action and revolutionary armed struggle, the former leading to major uprisings. However, these courageous efforts of the masses failed to realize the specific objective of seizing political power due to many factors among which are:
a) The absence of strong political leadership that could give the masses adequate political orientation and direction.
b) The absence of a unified political programme that identifies N.D.F., specifies their common objectives and sets forth the means for achieving them.
c) The absence, at critical moments, of organized and significant armed support commensurate to the objective of seizing political power.
Problems of national formation and power structure
- The Sudan has never historically emerged as one nation. It is a multi-national and multi-cultural country. Thus no particular nationality, whatsoever its size, has the right to impose its own identity over the others.
- National identity is not based on social, cultural or geographical locality but on the principle of citizenship.
- The successive regimes failed to recognize the country's diversity. This failure led to the one-dimensional nature of Sudanese nationalism reflected in the political, economic, cultural and social dominance of one nationality that denies other nationalities the right to develop.
- Thus emerges the necessity for the promotion of a new cultural outlook that would create a conducive environment for mutual interaction between the cultures of the various nationalities.
- The country's power structure shall reflect its national diversity. All Sudanese shall be able without distinction as to race, region, sex and religion to exercise the right of taking part in the administration of their country at both the regional and central Government levels, from the base right up to the apex of the power structure.
- The Westminster model of liberal democracy as practiced in Sudan has always served the interests of reactionary forces and paved the way for the return to dictatorship.
- New structures are needed to retain the noble values of democracy and liberalism that would address themselves to the realities of the Sudan.
- Arabic is the country's "Lingua Franca". In the educational system we envisage the possibility of a bilingual system. Other national languages shall be encouraged to develop.
- The Sudan shall abide by all the international declarations on human rights and the African declaration of human rights.
- All citizens shall enjoy the freedom of religious belief within a secular state.
- As Sudanese women have always been subjected to many forms of discrimination and repression, all efforts shall be directed towards a speedy rectification of this situation and emancipate women by abolishing all these forms of discrimination and repression.
- The whole infrastructure embracing the educational, health and cultural systems should be overhauled in such a way as to serve the interests of the New Sudan.
- The New Sudan shall strive to stop environmental degradation through conservation of forests, soil, water and protection of wildlife in addition to a more rational use of natural resources.
- The lack of an independent foreign policy has characterized all the political regimes that have assumed power since independence. Hence the need arises for the formulation of a foreign policy for the realization of the following objectives:
a) Maintenance of national political independence.
b) Realization and preservation of genuine national unity.
c) The attainment of economic, social and cultural development.
- The above objectives shall be achieved through foreign policy based on:
a) National interest.
b) Good neighborly relations that cater for mutual interests.
c) Mutual respect for sovereignty between Sudan and other states.
d) An anti-imperialist, anti-zionist and anti-racist stance.
e) Promotion of Regional Cooperation.
f) Principles of the Non-Aligned Movement.
g) Active participation in the efforts aimed at bringing about a new international economic order.
- Aware of the historical role played by the regular forces in the course of the National Liberation struggle, we strive to support them to make possible the fulfillment of their duties and national aims.
- In Sudan there are different means of revolutionary struggle. The struggle will be accelerated if its means are made to complement one another.
Economy and society
- Since the political independence the Sudan attained in 1956 up to now, it has altogether followed a wrong path of economic development. This was a result of the economic policies being carried out by successive national governments.
- The main features of the Sudanese model of development are as follows:
a) It has been characterised by uneven development of the modern sector at the expense of the traditional, urban at the expense of rural; even though 80 - 90% of the population live in the country-side.
b) The policy has been to subsidize the living standards of the upper and middle classes in the towns at the expense of the farmers, unemployed and the urban poor.
c) Unequal distribution of income.
- Consequences of Sudanese model of development are:
a) Increasing income inequalities
b) Falling living standards
c) Growing mass unemployment
d) Malnutrition and poverty
e) Spreading crime, simmering social discontent and pressures on the services in the urban centres resulting in urban decay.
f) Socio-economic and political crisis
g) Decommunalization and growing individualism
h) Labour mobility's disruptive impact on communalism.
i) Growing foreign debts.
j) The deepening of economic, political, social and cultural underdevelopment of peripheral areas (Eastern, Northern, Western and Southern Sudan) and city slums.
k) Devaluation of the Sudanese Pound thirteen times without any respite for the economy and the people.
l) Scarcity in consumer goods (food), equipment and materials for agriculture and industry.
m) Work stoppage in development projects and submission to conditions of the IMF and the World Bank.
n) Decrease in national savings directed towards investment.
o) Increasing deficit in the Internal Budget as a result of the Government's constant recourse to deficit financing and its negative impact on investment.
p) Deficit in balance of payments.
q) Runaway inflation at the rate of more than 90% a year and encouragement of patterns of consumption and life styles that reinforce the economy of dependency.
r) Brain drain from the Sudan to the oil rich countries.
s) Environmental degradation.
- At this juncture it does follow that these problems will not be solved by only making more wealth available to the Sudan.
It is clear that the capitalist system of development in the country has failed and no amount of reforms will salvage it.
It is apparent too that only a radical transformation of the political set-up will bring about a new economic order. This will be based upon the following:
a) Scientific economic planning with popular participation in that process by the masses.
b) Nationalization of the commanding heights of the economy.
c) An overall change in production relations.
d) Self-reliance and self sustenance instead of total dependency on foreign aid and loans.
e) Foreign assistance and importation of technology should be geared towards the maximization of the use of domestic resources and the fusion between indigenous technology and the imported one for autonomous progress.
f) Rural development-encompassing agriculture and industry.
g) Equal distribution of developmental projects all over the country.
Conclusion
The National Democratic Forces hereby call upon the masses of the Sudanese people to lend their full moral and material support for the attainment of all the aforementioned objectives.
Long live the struggle of the Sudanese People!
Victory to the masses!
